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These immediate causes of war are contained in the first and second images. The preceding discussion demonstrates how images differ from levels of analysis that empirically separate world politics into domestic and systemic levels and seek the causes of war in one or the other. Images clarify a unique set of causal relationships, and can be compared heuristically to explain world political situations — as Waltz did in his empirical work — but do not alone explain world politics.

Following the publications of MSW and TIP, Waltz consistently restated these points: a third-image theory does not explain individual instances of war or their causal mechanisms, as neorealists are wont to do. This task was left to TIP. Three noteworthy themes emerge from MSW. Waltz thus encourages us to compare his treatment of the problem of war with those of the political philosophers who precede him Hassner, : 25—26; Pangle and Ahrensdorf, : , We turn to these themes in the following.

By recognising how these questions also underpin TIP, parts of the later text become less confusing or stand out as more important. First, Waltz signals in TIP that what a structural theory of international politics actually entails is as important as any specific proposition about polarity or balancing.

This stands in marked contrast to much neorealist scholarship. In one instructive place, he writes:. Structures do not work their effects directly. Structures do not act as agents and agencies do.

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How then can structural forces be understood? How can one think of structural causes as being more than vague social propensities or ill-defined political tendencies? Agents and agencies act; systems as wholes do not. Waltz, , , , In explaining how structures cause world political outcomes, Waltz : 76—77, emphases added clearly identifies something more than preference maximisation:. The first way in which structures work their effects is through a process of socialization that limits and molds behavior.

The second way is through competition … Socialization encourages similarities of attributes and of behavior.

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So does competition. Competition generates an order, the units of which adjust their relations through their autonomous decisions and acts … Competition spurs the actors to accommodate their ways to the socially most acceptable and successful practices. Moreover, Waltz forwards a conception of the co-constitution of structure and agency in IR nearly a decade before Wendt did the same. This demonstrates further how Waltz intends to develop not just an elegant theory of international politics, but a new way for IR scholars to theorise politics in general.

A full evaluation is beyond the scope of this article, but we can offer an overview of what would qualify. Waltz, : ; : ; Deudney, ; Polansky, Reading Waltz as a meta-theorist or social constructivist is valuable for thinking about world politics in three major ways. First, Waltz offers methodological guidance by his example as a grand theorist in the methodological sense: he defines the fundamental problems of the field and establishes the scope and terms of scholarly attempts to solve those problems, weaving together basic theoretical commitments and general propositions about what generates international politics as such.

outer-edge-design.com/components/kegunaan/1336-spy-program.php Waltz demonstrates how — and when — this hostility is unfair. By orienting his project around problems of political theory first and foremost, he draws on political theory in answering enduring questions of value and possibility as they pertain to the conduct, and investigation, of all politics Pangle and Ahrensdorf, : This problem-centred approach does not take the form of an analytically promiscuous eclecticism, but rather of systematic and holistic theoretical world-building.

The lesson he thus offers is on the methodological foundations of grand theory construction. Waltz shows how starting with political theory gives IR scholars a basis for thinking big without concurrently building paradigmatic silos, as well as the methodological virtues of starting with political-theoretic problems, rather than philosophical boundaries. Properly understood, an image is a perspective on the field of world politics that emphasises a particular arrangement of causal interactions, focusing on them specifically to clarify what makes them distinct. Conversely, a proper use of images shows that prominent levels-of-analysis approaches fail to adequately represent what distinguishes international politics as such.

It instead notes how local audiences contribute causally to international political outcomes, that is, when people act as states and hence are subject to international mechanisms of socialisation and competition. It thus belongs in the third image. Waltz consistently employed his images to both show why theories developed in one perspective should not be mixed with others, and demonstrate how images heuristically clarify world political scenarios for analysts and policymakers.

Waltz argues that the close competition of bipolarity, for example, tends to clarify capabilities and security interests.

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However, polarity alone does not determine state behaviour, nor does it guarantee that states will act on their security interests e. Waltz, : — Rather, he uses the third image to describe the structural situation faced by the US and clarify what a prudent American foreign policy could look like.

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These examples show the flexibility of an images approach: images do not align neatly with empirical domains, but instead can encompass transnational or subnational forces so long as these are relevant to a given nexus of causes. An awareness of the philosophical roots of Waltz would better educate future IR scholars about the links between normative and explanatory theory in realism and liberalism.

MSW and TIP, when read in tandem, relate the possibility of peace to a set of methodological needs and analytical commitments, together constituting an unusually synthetic view of what makes international politics — and the study thereof — special. Doing so will lead to a greater appreciation of why and how the study of world politics exists in the first place.

By highlighting the normative and meta-theoretic concerns that Waltz emphasised in his writings, including and perhaps foremost in TIP, we show how revisiting Waltz clarifies the methodological and pedagogical worth of grand theorising in IR. Indeed, many of the premises of these wars — the sharp exclusion of ideas or culture in favour of materialism or rationalism, for example — cannot be found in Waltz. It analyses both causal explanations and the prescriptions of thinkers across the modern era Waltz, : 2— The normative concerns of MSW thus justify its methodological commitments.

The first aim of this article has been to save Waltz from his sectarian descendants. However, revisiting Waltz should also include critical evaluations of his project — so that the reading we advance is not the last Waltz. If prediction is out, and Waltz is so heavily invested in articulating a social theory and methodological orientation, how should we evaluate his project?

While Waltz does make claims concerning patterns of state behaviour across history, we argue that simply ascertaining whether or not these patterns obtain is not an appropriate test of his work. More important than the specific empirical content of his theory is the programmatic fertility of his approach: whether it offers a sound basis for maintaining IR as a research tradition in possession of distinct and tractable objects of study.

TIP is the face, as Marlowe might have written, that launched a thousand author ships — for better or worse. Recent re-evaluations of Waltz — including, we hope, this one — promise a fuller picture of whether his emergent, perspectival, ideal-typical approach to grand theory still has a place in current discussions.

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Our odds are that it does. The authors wish to thank Torbjorn L. Knutsen, Paul A. Kowert, Stephen M. Walt, and the editors and two anonymous reviewers of EJIR for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this article. The usual disclaimers apply. Funding This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors. Waltz : Schweller : Wendt, See Legro and Moravcsik The core assumptions of Legro and Moravcsik continue to underpin discussions among neorealists themselves, as we show later.

For a definition of positivism, and a brief version of this critique, see Jackson : 41—71, —, — and Waever : 69— Waltz adopted this label himself. See Russett : 24 and Senese and Vasquez : 31—33 ; Fearon is an exception. See Waltz : —; : — and Keohane and Waltz : This is particularly true of IR textbooks e. Baylis et al. For recent work on this issue, see Bessner and Guilhot : 88, — and Polansky : , — Waltz, : —; : Apart from the misrepresentations of Machiavelli and Weber, we have shown that Waltz makes no such empirical assumption about state preferences.

As we explain in the next section, this misreads his approach. See, for example, Jepperson et al. It would appear, therefore, that the imputation of materialism here comes from the reader rather than the text. For more on the implications of this, see Rosenberg For a defence of this explanation, see Waever : 80ff.

For similar insights, see Brown : — In MSW, Waltz : ix; cf. Hence, Waltz : —; cf. See, for example, Waltz : 60— For an example that proceeds from this premise, see Rosenberg See also Goddard and Nexon : 23— See Hall and Williams While this problem is most acute in North American IR, non-American readers often misread Waltz too, as we have shown.

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